Comrade Morrister Idibra is the chairman of Host Communities of Nigeria (HOSTCOM), Isoko Chapter and secretary general of the Fitters Senior Staff Association of Nigeria.
He sheds light on the pressure group's activities, both at the ethnic and national level, the Petroleum Industry Bill and the People's Democratic Party politics in Isoko in this encounter.
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HOSTCOM Boss |
Excerpts:
How long have you been chairman of host communities of
This is my fourth year as chairman. I was assistant public relations officer at the state level from 2009 to 2013. By 2013, I became chairman of Isoko chapter.
You are aware that there is a faction in hostcom. What's your take on this?
There is really no faction but decedents. I do not want to use the word faction because HOSTCOM is a constituted body, a legal entity having a constitution. If anything is done outside the constitution, even in the eyes of the law, it is wrong. We have some persons at the Isoko level, at the state level and presently, at the national, who think power should be gotten outside the constitution. And so, we do not regard them as a faction, but as decedents.
These decedents, are they not in a way negatively affecting hostcom's effectiveness in Isoko communities?
To some extent, yes. Unfortunately too, some of the persons they brought in to support them were people who knew nothing about HOSTCOM. They were being deceived by stories of certain funds coming in that will be shared. And with the high rate of poverty, they followed. But I can assure you today that if you check the statistics, they are dying down. Because they later realised that they were being deceived. There was no money to be shared.
Presently, they go about collecting money, #2,000 to #3,000, for forms from people saying they will give them forms for surveillance contract jobs. Many times, we have told people that there is no such contract because we are fighting for it and it has not been approved. For anyone to begin to sell forms, it is fraudulent.
The painful part of it is that some of our traditional rulers were the ones given the forms to sell in each of the communities. We keep telling them that there is no form for surveillance and if the contract is awarded, nobody will buy a form. It is a community thing. When it comes, the host communities and the leadership will sit to look at the slot for each community.
However, there is move for reconciliation. They realize the path they are going will lead to destruction so, there is need for us to come together. We also agreed. We set up committees and are meeting to see how we can integrate them back.
There is a formula the Urhobo people adopted, which we will also adopt to accommodate some of the key people that are coming so that everyone can be carried along. Certainly, once there is division, organisations capitalize on it to deny the people what is due to them. To answer you directly, yes, the decedents to an extent is affecting the activities of HOSTCOM in Isoko.
This four years of your chairmanship chairman, what has hostcom achieved in isoko?
First, HOSTCOM is not an employment creating agency but a pressure group. We pressurize for the development of our communities, for projects to be sited. Especially, through oil related revenue.
Before I became chairman, as a founding member of HOSTCOM, we pressurized the federal government and it gave directives to the then state governor, James Ibori, that 50% of the 13% derivative be given to the communities. This led to the creation of DESOPADEC and this is one of the achievements of HOSTCOM. Unfortunately, the expected miracles have not been seen from DESOPADEC.
The other thing we have done is the fight for the betterment of the Host communities. When Uduaghan's tenure was about to elapse, he wanted to break DESOPADEC into five different groups to represent each of the ethnic groups. We saw it as killing the dream of HOSTCOM, so we moved to the House of Assembly in Asaba and told them that the commission be left the way it is and that law did not see the light of day.
Secondly, when we discovered that the money meant for the development of host communities is not been utilized by the then administration of Uduaghan, we petitioned him to EFCC and and we took him to court because at the eighth year of his tenure, N225 billion that ought to be budgeted for was not. This information was gotten from the federal account office. That money belonged to the host communities and it should have been budgeted for. That matter is still in court. Politics was into it. At the point of giving judgement, the judges would handover the case. Till today, judgement has not been given, but it is our determination to see that that money comes to the host communities. We have reported the matter to EFCC that the money be recovered. We are not really talking about budget not paid. This N225 billion is amount that ought to reflect in the budget and EFCC is on top of the matter.
Talking about achievement, as a pressure group, by law we are limited. There are certain things we cannot do, but the power we have is the power of protest and advocacy. And that we have been doing in this present government. We have met with the governor himself and have told him our dislikes about certain activities happening regarding the funding of DESOPADEC. Those are some of the achievements locally.
Then, at the national level, Isoko and Delta state are part of the team pressurising for the pro of gas commission. The case was taken seriously in the petroleum industry bill (PIB). A lot of proposals were submitted by HOSTCOM and a lot of visitation have been made to Abuja and other relevant federal government agencies to see reasons for the PIB to be passed, and the interest of host communities, on how they will be accommodated in that bill. And whether anybody likes it or not, when it is done, credit will be given to HOSTCOM for its steadfastness and commitment.
The last one still in the pipeline is the issue of surveillance. You will recall that before the tenure of Goodluck Jonathan expired, the Isoko and Urhobo HOSTCOM in particular, protested the manner in which surveillance contracts were awarded to strangers. We wrote a lot of letters, paid adverts to the presidency and all relevant agencies that strangers cannot in anyway, better guide the facilities at our backyard. And even if soldiers and other security operatives are brought in, without the locals, they do not know the terrain, our backyard. We can see that the government is giving listening ear. And it is the effort we have put in so far that some people want to turn into a money making machine where they have started selling forms for jobs that have not been awarded. We hope that the surveillance of the oil facilities in Niger Delta will be given to the host communities. And if it is given, I can even assure you that there will be no destruction of facilities. For example, where I am from in Uzere, if the community people are involved, once someone with suspicious moves is seen, it will be reported. And they will be happily doing it because each has a stake. The surveillance equipments are not permanent. The helicopters will hover and go but when you engage the native, they are permanently there.
Can you throw light on your recent talks on the passage of a bill in the NASS?
The PIB is in three parts; the petroleum industry governance which has to do with the commercialization or unbundling NNPC. The second part is where the interests of host communities are. Before now, we made proposal that a fund should be generated from the PIB, that is kept out for the development of host communities who bear the brunt of oil exploration and exploitation. We have that 10% equity participation that hopefully will be part of the PIB when it is passed into law. If this is done, there is going to be practical benefits of the oil exploration and exploitation. The monies that will be coming to the region will be deducted before tax and the host communities will have stakes. Each community will have a stake and the ability to equal shareholder, unlike what we have now. We do not know where the oil is coming from or how it is taken. All we know is they take oil and we are feeling the heat. So when the bill is passed, it will help.
Technically, some companies have started doing such in the Niger Delta. Like Seplat, operating in Sapele area have 3% of their total production set aside for the host community. And Niger Oil company in Kwale-Ebendu area, also has specific amount set aside for the host community as trust. This is a reference point. Since Seplat took over oil operations in Sapele area, you hardly hear of crisis because they are part of it. In that Ebendu area too, there is no problem because they know that in every barrel explored and exported they have a percentage coming in. So they take it as a responsibility to ensure there is no crisis. That is what the PIB tends to address, making the host communities to be part of the production and share.
We went to
If you are close to a flow station, there is permanent day, because the light is constant. Of course, the effect of the gas flare, for people who are in such areas, we discover that the roofs do not last. And when it rains instead of getting relatively clean water, what we see is like oil, black.
We also proposed that within the time frame that gas flaring will be stopped, any multinational company that will not stop, the penalty should be very high so as to cause discouragement. We discovered that the penalty paid per cubic gas flare is N10, so many have decided to pay that N10 instead of stopping the flare. Hence we are proposing that the minimum of N350 per cubic gas flare be imposed as a fine to any company that fails to stop because we want a cleaner environment. Pollution is a very wide word. Some of the effects you do not see now but when you grow old. Some strange occurrence we have, giving birth to deformed babies is as a result of all these. By the time gas flare is stopped, our environment will be clean. Some of these ailments, premature deaths will be things of the past.
We are seriously in support of the Senate for the bill to be passed. And when this is done, in the process of stopping the gas flare, lots of jobs will be created because the gas will be converted to something else. This will bring development to the Niger Delta. Just like the Escravos Gas to Liquid (EGTL) project which started in 2009. It started with about $9 billion and ended with about $50 billion. It created thousands of job.
This heritage company that wants to buy over oil facilities in isoko, why are they not following due process?
The problem is not Heritage's, it is the problem of our community leaders at various strata. They are conspiring with Heritage to do what the company is doing. Today, HOSTCOM Urhobo and Isoko chapters have a forum with the president generals of communities in OML 30. We protested the handling by NPDC. We suggested that the original owner of the OML take over and not NPDC managing it because we felt NPDC lacked the ability to handle it. Ordinarily, we should be happy that Heritage has taken over but the problem is there are cabals from almost all the communities in Isoko and Urhobo in OML 30 that do not want Heritage to do the right thing. You will recall that some persons protested the coming of Heritage. What was the reason behind that protest? I think it was because they had understanding with NPDC which was working well for them, so Heritage coming would thwart that understanding. But I am sure along the line, Heritage called for a meeting and they now have an understanding. The cabal that existed in NPDC has been transferred to Heritage. Heritage will not do the right thing because few people will benefit from doing the wrong thing. When you look at Niger Energy, they held a meeting with the community and have an MoU which they follow. It is what the community presents to the company and they follow it judiciously, it is only then results will come out.
When the OML 30 had an MoU of 1.4 billion with NPDC, HOSTCOM was not part of it. But when we had meetings with NPDC, we discovered no part of that money had been paid. Workers were being owed up to eight months. We discovered that the cause was from both NPDC and some of these contractors. We gave NPDC ultimatum that the money, the GMoU, be paid. The Cluster Development Board transformed themselves to the community. After we protested, the money was paid. The contractors were paid and workers too. As soon as the money started coming CDB began to say that anything that has to do with oil be addressed by them, not with the PGs. Whereas the CDB was created to manage that GMoU, but looking at what is involved, they have transformed themselves to become even PGs of communities. They wrote a letter to NPDC then, that anything that has to do with oil should not be discussed with chairmen or PGs. They went to court but I do not know how the matter went. So you can see the intrigue at play.
If any oil major knows that there is division, they will take sides to fight the other. That is why Heritage cannot do more because there are people working with them to thwart their efforts.
What is hostcom doing about it?
HOSTCOM has not done much since Heritage came in. When Heritage came, we wanted them to settle down before discussing with them. But one thing we kicked against was when we heard the headquarters was to be taken to Asaba. We wrote to relevant agencies that the headquarters must be in one of the cashmere areas. The intrigue over who Heritage should relate with is still at play. Some see HOSTCOM as too powerful, that its coming in will take food from their mouths. But that will not stop us.
Is the fall of crude oil price not affecting revenue for developing these host communities?
If the price of crude is sold for $1 per barrel, there will still be enough money. Even if it is sold for 50cents, there will still be enough. The problem we have is mismanagement and corruption.
Now, I do not also agree that the lack of funds is the problem in our host communities. DESOPADEC is an institution created by law. And there are provisions that the 50% of the 13% of derivation fund for Delta state should be given to DESOPADEC. For example, the Uduaghan report I gave earlier. Then the board members who see the commission as their oil wells, not that they are there to represent people. In most of our communities, no board member will call the leaderships to ask what project they want in a year. What Uzere might need in a particular year may not be what Oleh might need. You discover that when they do not seek the people's opinion, such projects will not add any value.
Apart from that, projects are overestimated. A job that is supposed to be done at N10 million, a contractor can even go home with about two to three million naira as profit, but such project will be awarded for N20 million. Hence, you discover that the money coming in is not well managed. Some of the projects are only on paper, you do not see them on ground and this is a problem. So the issue per say is not really that there is no money. There is money but the money is not well managed.
Again, derivation is the source of the money. Project allocation ought to also be by derivation, how much is contributed or received from a community. But it is not like that but base on political relevance. So the problem of DESOPADEC is management, lack of equity in the execution of projects.
How is your relationship with other hostcom leaders both at the state and national?
My relationship with the host communities at large is very cordial. We work as a team. As ethnic chairmen, we hold meetings regularly and when there are critical issues, we take a collective decision and file documents together.
What is your take on
Politically, it is not realistic. But for me, the way the agitators are reacting, shows that they are not even serious about the agitation for their
How do you see the politics of
The way the government is going about the politics of Delta in People's Democratic Party (PDP), it is helping to divide PDP in Isoko to be specific and Isoko South in particular. We are all PDP members, we worked for PDP in our own capacity to deliver the party. But the governor is seeing some people as second class PDP in Isoko South. And I am among those he sees as second class members. Many of us are not happy about it because if I belong to a party and you are trying to discriminate in the same party we all belong to, you are trying to push people out or are encouraging people to also do what some other persons have done.
I do know that in the last election, there were people who voted PDP for governor and APC for other candidates and the governor seem to be very comfortable with those people. Then those of us who said we must vote for all PDP candidate, are being seen as second class PDP members. So, he is teaching us a political lesson that might be practised in the near future.
What is your advice to isoko leaders?
The problem we have in Isoko is an arrowhead, leadership arrowhead is the problem we have in Isoko. And everybody who has the opportunity to hold one office sees himself as a leader and it is not helping Isoko as a nation.
My advice to those at the higher cadre of our leadership is that they should come together, let them subject themselves to one another so that we can have one arrowhead as the Isoko leader. This will help us resolve a lot of problems.
Are you talking about politics here?
This is not about politics. For example, the structure of the Itsekiri kingship makes the Olu head of all Itsekiri both traditionally and otherwise. But in our Isoko, every village has a king and in fact, every quarter is beginning to clamour for a king and all kings are assumed to be equal, so there is no rallying point.
Now politically, we may not be able to have only one leader because of political differences. But we should have an ethnic leader. For the Ijaws, whether E. K. Clark belongs to PDP or not, every Ijaw person sees him as his leader. When an issue comes, he is consulted and when he speaks, people largely listen.
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